Western views of Russia take a turn to reality
Written by Patrick Armstrong
on Thursday, 18 November 2010 16:24 | Published in Opinion
by Patrick Armstrong
The hypothesis of this essay is that the conventional Western view
of post-Communist Russia has passed through two cycles and is entering
a third. While the first two were grounded mostly on what observers
wished to see, the third is shaping up to be based more on reality.
Little Brother
As Tom Graham wisely observed some years ago: while no one will take
seriously a country with a declining GDP, no one can ignore one whose
GDP is rising. When the USSR fell apart in 1991, its extraordinarily
centralised economy, whose links were now were blocked by new national
borders, choked and died. Living standards sank, inflation exploded,
the tax base collapsed, state employees went months without pay,
factory employees were paid in kind, the social support system failed
and the demographic decline that had begun in the Khrushchev period
accelerated. All indicators worsened at once. This was the time when "free fall”
was a favourite descriptor. A reminder of this period was a piece that
appeared in the Atlantic Monthly in 2001, starkly entitled: "Russia is Finished.” Still available on the Net, it makes curious reading today.
The apparently unstoppable collapse of Russia led to two prevailing
views in the West. The first was that Russia was a kind of "little
brother” which Western expertise could educate or lead into a future in
which the world had reached "the
end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization
of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government”.
In furtherance of this teaching mission, Russia filled with Western
NGOs coming to transform its institutions. The second, and related
view, was that Russia was no longer a threat but had become a danger.
This was the period of "red mercury”, missing "suitcase nukes” and other nuclear weapons, crazy Russian generals
in the provinces – in short, Russia’s collapse was a danger to the rest
of us. This first phase might be summed up by the expression that we
must help little brother lest he blow up and spatter all over us.
But Russians have a different view of the 1990s. I can think of no
better illustration than a woman I know in Moscow. At the beginning of
the period, she had saved up enough money – about 5000 Rubles – to buy
a car. A year later that sum of money would have bought a monthly
Moscow transit pass and a year later two loaves of bread. But at least
she had a job. While hundreds of thousands saw their standard of living
disappear, some individuals, feasting on the decaying carcass, became
fabulously wealthy; the apogee of this period was Berezovskiy’s boast
in 1996 that he, and five others, owned Russia. And perhaps they did:
through fixed auctions and financial prestidigitation, they certainly
controlled a good deal of it. Much of the so-called free press of the
time was devoted to their wars as they calumniated each other in order
to steal more.
Many Russians acquired bad associations with the word "democracy”.
The democracy the West advocated was experienced by them as theft,
corruption, poverty, crime and personal suffering. I recommend two
books to readers for this first period: Janine Wedel’s Collision and Collusion and Chrystia Freeland’s Sale of the Century. Also, I recommend a consideration of the HIID scandal.
In my more cynical periods, I think that the lasting effect of all the
Western aid/assistance was to teach the Russians how to steal big time.
Suspicious Russians, sticking to the zero-sum game, were strengthened
in their suspicion that the West really wanted a weak and divided
Russia.
The Assertive Enemy
But in 2000 the decline began to slow. The 1990s had been cursed,
from Moscow’s perspective, by declining energy prices. Given that the
overwhelming proportion of Russia’s money-earning exports came from
sales of oil and gas, declining prices were a heavy blow. But they
began to increase in the late 1990s giving the state budget some
openings.
Enter Putin. For reasons not entirely clear even now, Yeltsin picked
Putin to be his successor. He brought him from St Petersburg where he
had been Mayor Anatoliy Sobchak’s
deputy, to head Russia’s internal security force in 1998. He appointed
him Prime Minister next year, resigned in his favour and Putin was duly
elected President in 2000. Western reporters, mostly based in Moscow
and having little knowledge other than in the Rolodexes inherited from
their predecessors, fixated on the fact that he had begun his career in the 1st Chief Directorate of the KGB and stuck
with that as their descriptor. Had they bothered to go to St
Petersburg, they would have learned that he was very well known there
because one of his jobs had been the City’s contact with Western
businesses. But the mould was cast and Putin was forever a Chekist; his
speeches and writings – especially his Russia at the turn of the new millennium
– were combed for KGB-sounding entries. When he said "Russia was and
will remain a great power”, it was interpreted to mean he wanted to
invade Poland.
No one noticed that he also said in the document "The current
dramatic economic and social situation in the country is the price
which we have to pay for the economy we inherited from the Soviet
Union”; that he spoke of "the outrageous price our country and its
people had to pay for that Bolshevist experiment”; that he said that it
would be "a mistake not to understand its historic futility, It was a
road to a blind alley, which is far away from the mainstream of
civilisation”. A few did observe his blunt assessment that "It will
take us approximately fifteen years and an annual growth of our Gross
Domestic Product by 8 percent a year to reach the per capita GDP level
of present-day Portugal or Spain, which are not among the world's
industrialised leaders.” Commentators especially missed this encomium
to democracy: "History proves all dictatorships, all authoritarian
forms of government, are transient. Only democratic systems are
intransient”. The whole "Putin program”, which continues today, is laid
out;read it for yourself.
Selective quotations set the style for most commentary for the next
decade or so. Returning to Graham’s observation, as GDP began to grow
under the "steely-eyed former K-G-B spy”, Russia gradually morphed from a danger into a threat. It became "resurgent” and "assertive”; that is to say it stopped declining. "Putin Wants a New Russian Empire” we were told.
As an illustrative example of this one-eyed coverage, "the steely-eyed former intelligence officer”
told us in advance that Russia would no longer sell its precious gas to
its immediate neighbours for a third or a quarter of what it could get
on the world market. For fifteen years Russia subsidised all its
neighbours for billions and billions. Putin warned us – but not loudly
enough – that this would no longer go on. But, when Russia started
re-negotiating contracts to move the price up, its neighbours cried
wolf. Russia was not trying to sell one of its most important assets
for as much as it could get, it was threatening Europe and its neighbours with its gas weapon.
We were now regularly warned about Putin’s new Russian empire: "only one agenda on Mr Putin’s mind: to increase his iron grip on his country and rebuild the once-mighty Russian empire”. The foundation stone in the edifice of this notion was the endlessly repeated assertion
that in a 2005 speech Putin had given the game away by saying that the
breakup of the USSR had been "the greatest” geopolitical catastrophe of
the Twentieth Century. (In that same speech he said: "I consider the
development of Russia as a free and democratic state to be our main
political and ideological goal”; but, even if reporters bothered to
read that, they presumably decided that it was just for show). But he
did not say it was "the greatest”: the Russian is very clear. What he
said was this: "Прежде всего следует признать, что крушение Советского Союза было крупнейшей геополитической катастрофой века.” ("Above all, we should acknowledge that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a major geopolitical disaster of the century.”)
And he went on to say that it had been so because "Tens of millions of
our co-citizens and compatriots found themselves outside Russian
territory. Moreover, the epidemic of disintegration infected Russia
itself.” One can argue with his opinion about how "big” this "disaster”
was, but his speech was not a call for empire. Western commentators
continued their practice, established when the Moscow-bound Western
press had not bothered to find out what people in St Petersburg thought
of their Deputy Mayor, of fitting whatever Putin said into the
once-and-future-KGB mould. This misquotation, and the theoretical
edifice erected upon it may be found here, here, here,here, here; the reader is invited to search for more. But it’s not what he said.
In each of these two examples – which were much made of at the time
– we see the continuation of the initial prejudging: Putin had started
out in the KGB, "once a Chekist always a Chekist”,
therefore everything he does is a threat to his neighbours. Everything
he says that can be twisted into a threat is true, everything else is
false. The propensity to believe that Putin means some of the things he
says but not others is the apodictic indicator of partisanship.
In the 1990s the word "democracy” had acquired distasteful
attributes for Russians and it acquired another in the second period.
This was the period of "coloured revolutions” in which victors
immediately began to talk about NATO’s interests as if they were
identical with theirs. Ukrainian President Yushchenko seemed to have
little else in his program and, just before he went down to defeat this
year, made it clear: "if
we don't give [a positive] answer [to the question of NATO membership]
as a nation, then we will not have independence. We will lose our
democracy.” NATO membership had now become the new meaning of
"democracy”. For many Russians in the 1990s "democracy” had meant
corruption and poverty and now geopolitics was added to its meaning: a
geopolitics directed against them.
And now we come to Russia’s so-called invasion of Georgia.
The desire of Ossetians and Abkhazians not to be ruled from Tbilisi was
clear to those who knew the background: they fought Tbilisi when the
Russian Empire collapsed; when the USSR collapsed they defeated
Georgian attacks and won de facto independence. On 8 August 2008, just
a few hours after President Saakashvili had said
"Georgia is undertaking an immediate, unilateral cease fire”, his army
invaded. The Ossetians stopped them and, when Russian troops arrived,
the Georgians broke and ran, abandoning their cities and their weapons.
In the end, South Ossetia and Abkhazia welcomed their Russian liberators, as they call them, and declared their independence.
The Third Turn
I believe this war marked the beginnings of a reassessment of
Western views of Russia. Paris took a lead in trying to settle the war.
Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner arrived in Tbilisi on 10 August and
from thence went on to Moscow. But in transit he did something quite
remarkable – he visited the Ossetian refugees
in Russia and spoke to them. This was remarkable because Western
coverage had never considered the Ossetians: the whole story was cast
in terms of Russia, Georgia, NATO and other large issues. Kouchner
learned that, for the Ossetians, Russia was the saviour and Georgia the
oppressor. I believe that this experience inoculated Paris against
swallowing Tbilisi’s story whole.
A ceasefire was negotiated, the Russian forces pulled back to South
Ossetia and Abkhazia and those two declared their independence. But
there were lessons learned. The obvious one was that Moscow was no
longer the weak and spiritless place it had been a decade ago. But also
learned was that Saakashvili was simply not reliable: you could not
believe anything he said. Even the long-delayed and feeble EU reporton the war did not accept his post-bellum assertion that the Russians had moved first (his story changed several times).
Once one began to think along those lines one was forced to question
the whole narrative that Tbilisi had given out. It was like pulling on
a thread in a poorly knitted sweater: the whole narrative of Moscow
wanting to conquer Georgia and telling lies about it began to unravel.
With the end of the "Orange Revolution” another yarn unravelled:
Ukrainians did not want to be pawns in some grand geopolitical game and
Viktor Yanukovych was not a Russian stooge who could only win elections
by cheating. In the latest gas crisis with Ukraine Moscow was smarter
and more transparent: it became evident that the blockage of Russian
gas going west was not in Moscow but in Kiev. This was another thread
in the sweater; the narrative about the "gas weapon” had studiously
avoided noticing that Moscow was putting up the price for everyone,
friends and enemies alike: Armenia and Belarus also had to pay more.
The sweater unravelled some more.
The "coloured revolutions” ended unhappily. President Yushchenko of
Ukraine was defeated: never more than a quarter of Ukrainians had
expressed support for his NATO aims and only a twentieth wanted him
back. The revolt and change of government in the Kyrgyz Republic
finished off the "Tulip Revolution”. The declining group of defenders
of the "Rose Revolution” now have to overlook Saakashvili’s machinations to remain in power and his apparent courtship of Iran.
Another important development since 2008 is that the Putin program has proved to have legs: despiteapocalyptic predictions, Russia got through the financial crisis reasonably well. Here are two small indicators: Russia’s unemployment rate is actually less than the USA’s and the IMF predicts bettergrowth for Russia over the next five years than for any other G8 country. Russia is not about to collapse into insignificance. And, internally, Russia’s leaders enjoy overwhelming majority support.
I suggest that the West is entering a new cycle in how it perceives
Russia. Gone is the patronising little brother phase and going is the
Russia is the eternal enemy phase. What we are entering, I believe, is
a period – perhaps the first ever – in which Russia is seen as a
country much like others. A country with which its neighbours must deal
but deal with in a normal fashion: neither as an idiot failure nor as
an implacable enemy. An important partner in security, not the cause of
insecurity.
The West has not had a very good record of seeing Russia as it is;
more often it has been a palimpsest on which the visitor has written
his notions. I recommend Martin Malia’s Russia Under Western Eyeswhich starts with Voltaire’s imaginary ideally-governed Russia or David Foglesong’s The American Mission and the 'Evil Empire' which details a century of American obsessions about a Russia seen as a disappointingly stubborn and backwards twin brother.
But it is certain that change there has been since August 2008. Here are some indicators.
- The famous "reset” of the Obama Administration. Some of the fruits, apart from a new nuclear weapons treaty have been:
- The US State Department finally put the leader,
but not the organisation itself, of the Caucasus Emirate on its
terrorist list (the jihadist foundations of the second war in Chechnya
has been one of the West’s persistent misunderstandings).
- The abandonment of strategic missile defence in Poland and the Czech Republic. Although the deployment had little support in either Poland or the Czech Republic,
it was strongly supported by the political classes in each country.
Another example, it seems, of democracy becoming geopolitics.
- The air crash that killed Polish
President Kaczynski and the open and sympathetic reaction of Russians
has opened possibilities with Poland, previously one of Russia’s most
implacable opponents inside NATO.
- The financial crisis has hit many of the
former post-USSR success stories quite hard and made them re-think
relations with Russia. Latvia is a pertinent example.
- Relations with NATO are changing
rapidly. NATO expansion has been dealt a blow: it’s clear that Ukraine
will not join and no one wants to share a table with Saakashvili. But
more to the point, NATO has, after a dozen years of treating Russia
with contemptuous indifference, realised that it needs Russia in
Afghanistan. While the General Secretary of NATO says different things
to different audiences (for example in Tbilisi saying that Georgia will be a member of NATO one day), he has also been making overtures to Moscow, calling a few weeks ago for a "true strategic partnership.” I suspect that Paris and Berlin (and perhaps now Warsaw too) are pushing him.
- For several years, President Medvedev
has been calling for a re-think of the European security system. At
first dismissed as "an attempt to split Europe” his idea is receiving
better reception.
- Crying wolf – what more ridiculous example can there be than this hyperventilation: "Putin’s shadow Falls over Finland”
– is losing its effect. Russia’s neighbours have not been bludgeoned
into slavery by the "gas weapon”, Russian troops did not "conquer Georgia” and annex the pipelines. After these and (many) other predictive failures, new doom-filled warnings are that much less believable.
The metaphorical sweater is unravelling rapidly. If Ossetians and
Abkhazians regard Russians as their protectors, one cannot believe the
story Tbilisi has been telling us for years. If Yanukovych won a fair
election, perhaps it was the "Orange Revolution” that was the fraud. If
Armenia has had its gas prices go up as much as Ukraine, then it can’t
be a "gas weapon” to reward friends and punish enemies. What was
stopping Russian troops from seizing large parts of Georgia proper?
perhaps Putin neither wants the empire back nor to control the
pipelines. If Russia’s principal enemy in the North Caucasus is a
"terrorist”, then what’s really going on there? If China and Zimbabwe
are members of the WTO, why isn’t Russia?
Paris and Berlin continue to lead: at the three-way summit in Deauville, overtures were made as was clear from the press conference.
President Sarkozy said "We are certain that Russia, Germany and France
share common positions in many respects” and that "we live in a new
world, a world of friendship between Russia and Europe.” Chancellor
Merkel said "we need to put relations between Russia and NATO on a
rational track. After all, we face some of the same threats in the
world today.” Medvedev, for once not the suppliant, was less
forthcoming but made it clear he was listening.
These are, to be sure, straws in the wind but there are now quite a
few of them and more come every day. Barring some unexpected
catastrophe, I expect this development to continue. Paris and Berlin
(and perhaps Warsaw) are leading developments but others will join in.
The coming NATO summit will move the process a step further.
The end result, for perhaps the first time in history, will be a
Western view of Russia more nearly as it actually is; no longer an
imagined reflection. As an important player with its own interests
Russia will have to be accommodated. Not an enemy, not an opponent, not
necessarily an ally, but an important player that, in fact, marches in
the same direction most of the time. And when it doesn’t, disagreements
can be discussed and reasonable compromises made. In short, a Russia
that is seen to be "in the box”.
This comment originally appeared on Russia Other Points of View blog site. http://www.russiaotherpointsofview.com/
Patrick Armstrong
received a PhD from Kings College, University of London, England in
1976 and retired in 2008 after 30 years as an analyst for the Canadian
government, specializing in first the USSR and then Russia. He was a
Political Counselor in the Canadian Embassy in Moscow from 1993 to
1996. He has been a frequent speaker at the Wilton Park conferences in
the UK.
http://www.bsr-russia.com/en/opinions/item/1211-western-views-of-russia-take-a-turn-to-reality.html