PRAGUE, 11 February, Caucasus Times – For the first time in seven years, a national convention has been held in Ingushetia. Until now, no conventions had taken place, primarily due to the hunt for the Republic’s former president, Murat Ziazikov, and his entourage.
The convention was preceded by a massive PR campaign; however, the event itself was a locals-only affair, and only Ingush media were allowed to attend. This happened for fairly obvious reasons: the convention raised issues that might have been found unpalatable by the Kremlin and by neighboring republics.
Yevkurov has secured the support of Medvedev, who demanded the strengthening of government authority in Ingushetia. In its organizers’ view, the convention was designed to harmonize the relationship between state and people; however, as Viktor Chernomyrdin used to say, “We wanted the best, but it turned out as usual.”
Problems arose before the convention even started. One of the opposition leaders, Magomed Khazbiev, refused to take part, since many of those who participated in an informal, semi-legal convention during Ziazikov’s reign were not on the list of invitees. After the elections held to determine delegates to the convention, it became apparent that the winners were chosen not by popular vote, but were appointed by the administration.
It was, therefore, not a convention of victors – and Khazbiev was the first to return to harsh reality. Other opposition leaders turned out to be less principled, choosing the comfort of delegate seats to the uncomfortable role of opposition.
Ruslan Aushev, whose attendance would have been interpreted as support for the new government, also declined to attend. Murad Ziazikov, who was officially invited, and whose presence could have turned the convention into a mass trial, did not attend either.
Many in the republic are convinced that Yevkurov needed this convention to “push” through the parliament the Law on Local Self-Government. MPs, despite their diligence, are reluctant to pass this law without incorporating into Ingushetia the disputed Prigorodnyi district, and thus assuming the role of national traitors. The convention is designed to help MPs muster up the courage to deliver the vote “required” by the government, and thus to share responsibility for the decision.
The convention itself, which has been presented as a symbolic event where pressing issues would be discussed, did not turn out to be such. Delegates who voiced their own opinion, without looking over their shoulders for government support, were subjected to criticism by Yevkurov. The majority of those present either expressed their views with reservation, or limited themselves to a few token phrases about the glorious history and prosperous future of the Ingush people.
It could not have been any other way. Most of the delegates were government officials, minority representatives distant from the lives of the majority, and other public representatives. Officials left behind from Ziazikov’s time filtered the delegates as they deemed necessary.
Yevkurov and his administration voiced no particular objection: holding a convention with such a filtered group is much more convenient. The issues raised were of the most pressing sort, yet no constructive criticism was made, and no rational proposals were pitched. With very few exceptions, speakers expressed words of meaningless admiration for yet another “true government of the people.”
The convention, whose goal – according to organizers – was to unite the Ingush people, turned out to be a disaster for Yevkurov. Medvedev’s visit, and his promise to invest 29 billion in Ingushetia, was unable to generate consensus among the Ingush. The question of the Prigorodnyi district remains open.
After the convention, the opposition’s website published an open letter from delegates from the city of Malgobek, in which they express their negative attitude towards the convention and towards Yevkurov.
Medvedev’s instruction to increase the government’s authority in Ingushetia was not met. Regardless, Yevkurov will force through the Law on Local Self-Government; but while he may not lack determination and boldness, he definitely lacks the support of the people – a failure in which he follows the steps of his predecessors.
The Republic, which was brought to the point of civil war during Ziazikov’s reign, was handed over to Yevkurov at the end of last year. The long-awaited change of government ensured him some credibility, but the continuing murders, kidnapping and unresolved territorial disputes with North Ossetia undermine the Ingush people’s faith in their new leader.
The aforementioned circumstances further alienate Yevkurov from the people. The 29 billion promised by President Medvedev will be paid over six years. Given today’s inflation rates, this sum is likely to disappear in government pockets.
And Ingushetia needs law and justice no less than it needs those billions. All the changes expected when Yevkurov assumed power came down to a few dozen officials being replaced – and no convention, or any other public event will deliver the result Yevkurov desires. The country needs systemic changes, which neither he, nor Moscow, are willing to enact.
