Prague Watchdog: The Chechen Republic of Russia (Weekly Review)
September 15th 2009 · Prague Watchdog / Vadim Borshchev
By Vadim Borshchev, special to Prague Watchdog
Some
Russian experts have already used the phrase "embassies of an
independent state" to describe the Chechen Republic's six planned
representations in Europe, which will have to accept their incomplete
status only because there is no other option. Indeed, in this area,
too, Ramzan Kadyrov has once again managed to obtain preferential
treatment on an unprecedented scale. No other entity of the Russian
Federation can boast of that many foreign missions. Tatarstan and
Bashkortostan are the only republics which even possess a single office
in the countries of Europe.
Specialists
in federal law are now carefully calculating the full extent of the
attributes of statehood which the Chechen Republic has succeeded in
acquiring. In an interview with Radio Liberty, political analyst Dmitry
Oreshkin painted a grim picture: "The Chechen Republic has its own
army, which is not in any way subordinate to the rules of the Russian
constitution or to Russia's security agencies: the private guard (the
`Kadyrovtsy') which Kadyrov has formed from ex-insurgents takes its
orders personally from him. Kadyrov has his own foreign policy. He may
conduct negotiations with Saudi Arabia, or with European countries. He
decides who he will bring back from exile and who he will banish in
disgrace. He has his own court of justice and his own system of
retribution – an extremely effective one. And he has his own ideology.
In fact, Chechnya is an almost completely independent state, with one
exception – it depends on Russia's money."
In
their assessment of Kadyrov's so-called "systemic separatism", Russian
liberals are more or less at one with the concerns expressed in
slightly cruder terms by Russian nationalists. With funding from the
federal budget, Chechnya is building an independent state, and sooner
or later the result of the republic's steadily increasing autonomy will
be its final exit from Russia. Thus, while paying lip service to the
maximum tightening of the "power vertical" in its relations with the
regions, in reality the central government is contributing to the
speedy collapse of the Russian state.
On the one hand, it is
hard to understand the statist sentiments of the liberals, who might be
thought likely to proceed not from the ideals of state socialism but
from a correlation of social organization with elements of liberty for
all, both people and nations. If for whatever reason the present system
is unable to provide that liberty, then the liberals ought to support
the efforts of the federal republics to find it on their own,
regardless of the outcome. The regions' right to reject the political
influence of an authoritarian Russia is indisputable, even if the
divorce will result in even greater bondage. On the other hand, the
regions need the money, especially when it is spent in the way that the
Caucasian ethnocrats spend it.
But,
having reduced Chechnya to ruins, Russia cannot very well just put its
hands in its pockets and pretend that everything is fine. Russia has to
answer for what it has done because it is under the watchful eye of the
international community and does not want to become a pariah state.
Even though it might have wanted to leave Chechnya alone with its lunar
landscape and depart with a carefree whistle, Russia did not have the
technical means to do so. While the theft and corruption in the
Caucasus take a specifically Caucasian form, they are not a Chechen
invention but an essential characteristic of Russia's system of power.
Indeed, Kadyrov himself is not a product of Caucasian culture and
social traditions but a mutant developed by the Kremlin to intimidate
all living things within the boundaries of the territory entrusted to
his control.
There
is no reason to suppose that Kadyrov would ever deploy his bayonets
against his masters, because, by and large, the structure of power in
Chechnya is a concentrate distilled on the all-Russian model, in which
all the lines of social bondage are taken to their logical limit. In
that sense, Kadyrov is a thoroughly Russian politician who has managed
to condense the spirit of the Putin era in an extreme degree. It is
only the possibility of democratic reform in Russia that is not to his
liking, as any movement in the direction of greater freedom would
immediately raise the question of the admissibility of his totalitarian
methods of control.
For
as long as the political situation in Russia is poised between
authoritarianism and a simulation of democracy, Kadyrov will be happy,
for in the outcrops of this bondage he can experiment to his heart's
content with increasing it to exponential values. His nationalism and
obscurantism, which frighten the liberals, are merely active
modifications of this experiment involving the techniques of
mobilization and intimidation. Their national and religious content is
important only in so far as it provides the ability to control society.
Kadyrov
himself says that the task of the European missions is to bring about
"the return of our compatriots to their homeland". Indeed, the analysts
overlook the fact that in the course of the two Chechen wars a huge
diaspora has formed in Europe, presenting a serious problem both for
the Kremlin and for Grozny. By the very fact of their existence the
refugees refute Kadyrov's claims that peace has been restored to the
republic. In addition, the refugee community is a constant source of
negative reports on what is happening in Chechnya, and something must
be done about that unfortunate fact. It is logical that, having crushed
the local population into total immobility, Kadyrov has now turned his
attention to those Chechens who were naive enough to suppose they had
managed to escape from his authority for good. The Chechen leader is at
war not with Russia, but with those of his compatriots who are annoying
Russia.
One
other fact has fallen out of the experts' field of vision. On September
11 a press conference was held in Moscow at which the creation of a new
film studio called "Chechen-film" was announced. Now that really is an
attribute of statehood. The republics of the federation that have their
own film studios can be counted on the fingers of one hand.
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