Interview
Walter RICHMOND
June 2009
Dr.
Walter Richmond, Assistant Professor at Occidental College, answers
questions from "Circassian World." CW gratefully acknowledges the
insights that Dr. Richmond has kindly shared with us.
The views expressed in this commentary are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of Circassian World.
Profile: Dr. Walter Richmond
received his bachelor’s degree in Russian language at Arizona State
University in 1987. He received his Ph.D. in Slavic Languages and
literatures at the University of Southern California in 1994. Dr.
Richmond spent most of 1995 in Moscow and has visited Russia eight
times since then. He has taught at Occidental College since September
1995. His courses have covered such topics as Russian language, oil
politics, the Islamic peoples of the former Soviet Union, as well as
many on literature and art. His recent publications include: 2008: The Northwest Caucasus: Past Present, Future. Routledge Press. 2007:
“Russian Policies Toward Islamic Extremism in the Northern Caucasus and
Destabilization in Kabardino-Balkaria,” Moshe Gammer, ed.
Ethno-Nationalism, Islam and the State in the Caucasus, Oxford and New
York: Routledge Press. 2004: “Legal Pluralism in the Northwest Caucasus: The Role of Sharia Courts,” Religion, State, Society 1, 59-73. | |
2002: (1) “The Deportation of the Karachays,” Journal of Genocide Research 4.3, 431-39.
(2) “The Karachay Struggle After the Deportation,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 22.1, 63-79.
(3) “The Karachay Struggle After the Deportation,” As Alan 1.6, 85-109.
(4) “Sovyetlerin Türk Halklarını Sürgün Etmesi,” Türkler. Ankara: Yeni Türkiye, Volume 18, 872-79.
CIRCASSIAN WORLD:
How did you arrive at where you currently are regarding the study of
the Circassians as an academic topic (people who inspired you, books,
events, how did you conceive your ideas)?
WALTER RICHMOND:
I was originally drawn to the study of the Caucasus when I was doing
primarily literary research. I examined Russian attitudes toward the
Circassians through Mikhail Lermontov’s novel A Hero of Our Time in
1997. After changing the focus of my research to history, I was invited
to write an article on the deportation of the Karachays for The Journal
of Genocide Research. As it turned out, I compiled enough material for
two articles. I decided to write a book-length study on the Northwest
Caucasus, as there was very little material on the subject compared to
the Northeast. As I went back in time, naturally the Circassians played
a larger and larger role in the study.
My main
inspiration in the study of the Circassians has been John Colarusso.
His enthusiasm and determination to help the Circassians has been a
great influence on my determination.
Although
he has not written on the Circassians, J. Otto Pohl’s tireless and
uncompromising defense of all repressed peoples has been a great
inspiration to me as well.
I’ve read many good
books on the Caucasus, but one that stands out is Yakov Gordin’s
Kavkaz: Zemlia i Krov’. This work clearly outlines the complete lack of
any coherent plan by the Russian government for how to deal with the
Caucasus, and the complete disconnect between St. Petersburg and the
Russian field commanders. Gordin also emphasizes the total ignorance of
the Russians concerning Circassian customs, attitudes, and societal
structures, and how this ignorance contributed to the escalation of a
war that need not have been fought.
CW: How do you perceive the level of political and academic awareness in the US toward the Circassians?
RICHMOND:
Virtually nonexistent. Whenever I give a talk on the Circassians I ask
who has even heard of them, and usually only one hand in a hundred goes
up. Those who do know about them often know only very minor details. In
the political sphere, I think the Chechen situation has deflected all
attention away from the peoples of the northwest Caucasus.
CW: What interests do the US and Europe have in Northwest Caucasus? Are they limited to strictly security issues?
RICHMOND:
I can’t really speak about European interests, but US interests are
limited to protecting the pipeline routes coming from Central Asia and
Baku, and particularly with locking Russia out of the process as much
as possible. The US also has a very short-sighted approach to security
issues and only takes interest in a situation after it has already
become critical. Unless security in the Northwest Caucasus becomes
immediately relevant to petroleum transport the US won’t pay any
attention to the issues there.
CW: What would be the best American policy towards the Circassians and the relevant developments in the North Caucasus?
RICHMOND:
The best policy would be to build strong economic links with the
Russian Federation and stop all NATO expansion. Whether they’re right
or not, the Russian government feels threatened by US efforts to
circumvent their territory to export oil and particularly by NATO
expansion. Therefore, a hard line approach toward the US is becoming
more and more a reality in Russian politics. This virtually eliminates
all chance for the US to influence Russian policies, including those
concerning democratization and ethnic minorities. A gradual move toward
economic cooperation and interdependence would create a situation where
it would be in the best interests of all parties in Russia to become
more democratic and more concerned with the rights of ethnic
minorities.
CW: Though neither the
Circassians nor the Abkhazians are widely known amongst the general
Western public, it is not uncommon for commentators to demonstrate
sympathy with the Circassian cause but antipathy towards the Abkhazian
cause. What would you say about this?
RICHMOND:
First, many commentators in the US are simply supporting the US
position toward the Saakashvili regime in Georgia, and so they portray
the Abkhazians in a negative light.
Beyond
that, I think there are three issues. First, the Russians are generally
viewed as an agressor state, much larger than Circassia, and that
engenders sympathy for the Circassians. On the other hand, the Georgian
people are relatively small in number and have experienced tremendous
hardships in the form of invasions by their larger neighbors, and so
it’s more difficult to see them as an aggressor state. Second, many
people simply look at recent history and see that the Abkhazians are a
minority in the region and don’t understand why they should be granted
autonomy. They fail to examine the historical reasons why the
Abkhazians are a minority in their own land, or they simply think that
the historical reasons are irrelevant. Third, the Georgians have been
fairly successful in portraying Abkhazia’s military victories as
“ethnic cleansing.”
CW: What opportunities should Circassians seize to improve and defend their ethno-federal position within the Russian Federation?
RICHMOND:
Ultimately there needs to be a unified Circassia, but it’s going to be
a long struggle. The entire political structure of the Russian
Federation needs dramatic reform, and only then can the Circassians
hope to achieve this goal. I’m afraid that under current circumstances
the Circassians need to adopt a defensive position, as they have in
Adygeia, and hold fast to what they have now, while working with other
ethnic minorities to reform the entire federal system. At the same
time, I think that groups like Adyge Khase need to keep plans for a
united Circassia ready, and promote them whenever they can, as they did
this past December. Sometimes change comes unexepctedly, and having a
workable plan of action ready is a very good idea.
CW: Is the Circassian language likely to survive? What would be the best way to ensure its survival?
RICHMOND:
I think the Circassians have the same determination and resilience as
the Jewish people have demonstrated in their efforts to preserve their
language and culture at any cost. I do believe their language will
survive. The best way to ensure it would, of course, be the creation of
a unified Circassia. But as I mentioned above, there’s no quick and
easy path to this goal.
CW: Do you think
that Circassians, especially diaspora Circassians, have some mistaken
and/or sentimental thoughts towards the Russians and that such
perceptions might be a source of problems in their own right?
RICHMOND:
I don’t know enough about the attitudes of diaspora Circassians to
comment. I do know about other Soviet emigre communities, and I can say
that I have seen unrealistic attitudes that haven’t been
particularly helpful to the solution of political issues, despite the
sincere and good intentions of the emigres. I think it’s natural to
have romantic ideas about one’s homeland, particularly if one has been
separated from it for a long time.
CW: Do you see any positive elements in Russian policies towards the Circassians?
RICHMOND:
The Republic of Adygeia still exists, which is something I did not
expect back when I was writing the final chapter of my book in 2006.
CW:
What difference (if any) in Russian-Circassian relations is likely to
be made in the short or medium or long term by Russia's recognition of
Abkhazia?
RICHMOND: Russia’s
recognition of Abkhazia was part of a geopolitical game with the United
States, and so from the Russian Federal perspective the Circassians are
inconsequential to the move. Many Circassians have been given hope that
the move bodes well for Circassian efforts at broader autonomy and even
independence, but I’m afraid they are going to be disappointed.
CW:
Concerning the position of the Circassians, what do you think about the
“intra-North Caucasus” ethnic relations? E.g. Circassian-Ossetian
relations or Circassian-Chechen relations.
RICHMOND:
All of the ethnic groups in the North Caucasus are justly proud of
their histories and cultures, but I’m afraid that sometimes this gets
in the way of broader cooperation. Something along the lines of a
“North Caucasus economic zone” should have been established some time
ago, but everyone was so excited to be able to explore their cultures
and, particularly, uncover the injustices done to them in the past,
that they forgot the shared aspects of their history. Economic ties
from Dagestan to Circassia date back centuries, and these are precisely
the ties that would greatly help the economies of all the peoples there.
CW:
Why have Islamist influences been relatively weaker in the Northwest
Caucasus than in the Northeast Caucasus, if that is the case?
RICHMOND:
There are many reasons, but first of all Johar Dudaev rebranded his war
of national liberation a “jihad” in order to obtain international
support, and with that support came radical military leaders from the
Gulf Monarchies. Dagestan, of course, has a very long Islamic
tradition, and so that plays a role as well.
CW: What are the prospects for closer relations between the Circassians in the Caucasus and those in the diaspora?
RICHMOND:
I think that the internet is proving to be invaluable. I would almost
argue that a “Virtual Circassia” exists that will serve as a stepping
stone to the recreation of a unified Circassian state.
CW: What further research are you doing or plan to do concerning the Circassians and the Northwest Caucasus?
RICHMOND:
I’m currently putting together an article that outlines the locations,
societal structures, and economies of the various Circassian tribes in
the early 19th Century. Beyond that, I’m hoping to find enough material
to write an article on the Cherkesohai, ethnic Armenians who spoke a
Circassian dialect until they accepted Russian suzerainty and moved
north of the Kuban. I’m also beginning to formulate a paper that looks
objectively at Russian motivations in Abkhazia and their relation to
Circassian efforts at national reunification.
CW: What lessons might the international academic and political communities learn from studies on the Circassians?
RICHMOND:
I’m extremely skeptical of the various political communities’ ability,
or even desire, to learn anything. My study of the history of the
Northwest Caucasus has demonstrated to me that governments have always
behaved according to a narrow set of short-term national interests,
and have disregarded the rights, or even humanity, of anyone who
doesn’t belong to their nation. The Circassians were treated as
expendable pawns by the Russians, Ottomans, and British, and the result
was the near-total destruction of their civilization. As ethnic
cleansing has become so commonplace today that it hardly makes the
headlines anymore, I don’t think there’s any reason to believe the
governments of powerful states will change their ways in the near
future.
The responsibility of the academic
community is to create as complete a record as possible of events, so
that our posterity can fully examine the actions of the governments of
the world and pass judgement on their behavior. As I believe that the
Circassian deportation was the first modern genocide and ethnic
cleansing, I think the the main lesson academics should learn is that
no society, however small, should be overlooked in the process of
constructing the record of human history.
-Thank you
Metin Sönmez, CW
|
Dr. Walter Richmond and Professor Larry Caldwell at a seminar on Russia held at Occidental College |
The Northwest Caucasus - Past, present, future By Walter Richmond This
is the first book to present a comprehensive history of the Northwest
Caucasus. Based on extensive research, it describes the peoples of the
Northwest Caucasus, which have a significantly different ethnic makeup
and history than the Northeast (Chechnya and Daghestan). The book
examines their struggles for survival against repeated invasions and
their ultimate defeat at the hands of the Russians. It explores
interethnic relations and demographic changes that have occurred in the
region over time with a particular focus on the 19th, 20th and 21st
Centuries, incorporating recently published archival materials
concerning the deportation of the Abazas, Circassians and Ubykhs to the
Ottoman Empire by the Russians, which is treated as the first act of
ethnic cleansing in modern history. The book also closely examines the
struggles the Northwest Caucasus peoples continue to undergo in the
post-Soviet era, facing pressures from organized crime, religious
extremism, and a federal government that is unresponsive to their
needs. It emphasizes the strategic importance of the region, lying on
the northeastern shore of the Black Sea directly on the border between
the "Christian" and "Muslim" worlds. Overall, it will be of interest to
scholars of Russian history and politics, Caucasus and Central Asian
Studies, genocide studies, international relations and conflict
studies. Read more... | |