The Europeans do not understand us
Written by Lawrence Vinatier
Tuesday, August 10, 2010 0:00
The Prime Minister of the Republic of Abkhazia, answers questions for Lawrence Vinatier RealpolitikTV:
"The Europeans do not understand us! "
Interview with Sergei Shamba
Prime Minister of the Republic of Abkhazia.
By Lawrence Vinatier, Ph.D.,
Double interview made the July 17, 2009 in Sukhumi in Abkhazia and April 30, 2010 by phone from Istanbul.Portrait
Abkhazia is not an illusion. This micro-state of some 8,500 square kilometers, inhabited by about 220,000 people, mostly, only relative ethnic Abkhazians [i], is now a new start. Located in northwest Georgia beyond the Inguri River, wedged between the Black Sea and Caucasus Mountains Russia, about twenty miles from the city of Sochi, which will host the 2014 Winter Olympics The Abkhaz separatist entity has not had, until then, the possibility to build. She could not envisage a sustainable future, without ally voluntary and active, she had no choice but to submit to the Russian goodwill, at the risk of being sacrificed, if its powerful northern neighbor states U.S. and Georgia agreed in the South Caucasus. On August 26, 2008, following the intervention punitive flash of Russia against Georgia, it is saved: officially recognized by a member of the Security Council of the United Nations, the independent Abkhazia sees opening, finally, 'promising prospects. It is a concrete case of "state-building." The large Abkhaz diaspora, living mainly in Turkey, is activated, sets the course for political and economic. There is one more step for the space becomes an issue of Abkhaz influence between Turkey and Russia.
Man power since 1997, Sergei Shamba is an observer and a practitioner preferential policy and state building in Abkhazia. A historian by training, he was first Minister of Foreign Affairs until June 2004. At that time, he resigned, wishing to attend the presidential election against Sergei Bagapsh and Raul Khadzhimba but there was only 6.9% of the vote. He founded the Social Democratic Party of Abkhazia, Bagapsh-joined the alliance Khadzhimba [ii] and finds his position in the Department of Foreign Affairs in late 2004. In 2009, the approach of the presidential election, they lend it some new ambitions. After some slight hesitation, he ranks behind the president finally outgoing, elected, appointed Prime Minister [iii]. His rise should not stop at this position. A key figure in the Abkhaz political, for its longevity in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and then by his contacts abroad, it is one of the best known figures Abkhaz in international circles. It is very likely and in 2014, he seizes the reins of the republic, he has contributed so much to promote worldwide for almost 15 years.
Man of the future so in Abkhazia, it presents the words - the context and projects - a new start for his country.
Background
The first war of independence, August 1992 to October 1993, does nothing. The Georgian-Abkhaz dispute began in 1989 under pressure from nationalists in Tbilisi. In spring 1991, with the election of Zviad Gamsakhurdia as President of the Republic of Georgia, this line becomes centralized pro-Georgian official policy: the Abkhazians fear a further period of géorginisation. The fall of Gamsakhurdia in early 1992 did not reassure the arrival of Eduard Shevardnadze to power in March 1992 either. Finally in July 1992, Abkhazia declared its independence. Georgians react naturally and send thousands of soldiers who occupy Sukhumi without difficulties. The front was stabilized in October 1992 until July 1993. At that time, the Abkhaz, with the support of Russian armed forces and paramilitary many Caucasians, particularly Chechens, are launching a cons-offensive on the capital, they bombed. In September, the Georgians can no longer hold the city they evacuate. At the end of 93 and Abkhazia is almost totally "liberated" and the front line set to the old borders of the autonomous Soviet republic on the Inguri River, with the exception of the Kodori Gorge, still controlled by Tbilisi. Russia is negotiating the cease-fire in 1994 on a status quo political-military from October 93. She gets covered in the international shipment of "blue helmets", exclusively in Russia, which provide security of Abkhazia.
However, in January 1996, Russia joined Georgia to establish, by a decision of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), an economic blockade on Abkhazia. For several years, the country "independent" survives in a very difficult situation, unable to rely almost exclusively on domestic production and humanitarian aid collected and sent illegally from its diaspora in Turkey. With the arrival of Vladimir Putin to power, Russia softened its position [iv].
Around the same period in the early 2000s, show that the Abkhazians, symbolically strong, their desire for independence. In the second half of 2004 committed the presidential campaign to succeed the hero of the War Vladislav Ardzinba. But it is an outsider, Sergei Bagapsh [v] opposition candidate in the sense that it is not supported by Russia, which won 50.8% of votes in the October polls. His main rival, Raul Khadzhimba which also favors the incumbent president, disputes the results. Russian emissaries intercede and January 2005, a new election is held, Raul Kadjimba who joined on this occasion the camp Bagapsh. The duo wins, not surprisingly Bagapsh became president and vice president Khadzhimba. For the first time, the Abkhazians seem to have decided, alone, according to their own interests, which, in this case does not correspond to the wishes of Russia. However, they are not able to achieve this institutional progress: the state framework remains unstable and there was "unofficial" in the eyes of all.
It was not until August 2008, as everyone knows, and the error Georgian South Ossetia to finally be granted a right of citizenship in the international arena. On the night of 7 to 8 August, President Mikheil Saakashvili did not order the attack on Abkhazia as such, but it benefits from the debacle of the Georgian army in the Ossetian enclave to resume Kodori Gorge. On 12 August, France on behalf of the European Union is negotiating a peace plan in 6 points, then the cease-fire of 16 freezes the positions of both sides, including in the Kodori Gorge, which Russian troops and Abkhaz militias still control residual today. Finally comes the recognition by Russia. The two "new" countries do not intend to take the same way. South Ossetia Russian decision envisages that as the brand, officially sanctioning the withdrawal of Georgia, but that independence could only be temporary, the time to organize its connection to the federal republic of North Ossetia and thence to Russia. Abkhazia, in contrast, opts for a national way of building independence, with Russia, of course - what other solution exists in the immediate future? - But not only. This recognition, both rewards the ongoing support of Abkhaz society to serve its ideals and establishes for the first time the basis for a legitimate political reality.
The presidential election of December 2009 endorsement and confirms this trend. It is the dedication of the freedom of Abkhazia. The victory of incumbent President Sergei Bagapsh, the first round with 61% of the vote, marks the continuity. He sees himself graced the undeniable success of its mandate past: First, a dynamic management of the economy growing despite the blockade, then and especially the excellent diplomatic and political maneuvering during the crisis of August 2008, and finally a caution in its relations with Russia. Its main competitors in the current forces lacked credibility. Raul Khajimba, who resigned from his position as Vice President in May 2009, can not, after four years in power, decently, and strongly criticize the actions of government and hope to convince his honesty and competence. He finished second in the election just over 15%. The other candidates, little known to the public outside the capital Sukhumi, do not exceed 10%. Beslan Boutba, businessman, founder and chairman of the party "For the Economic Development of Abkhazia", which embodies a new generation of leaders more modern Soviet least, disappointed, arriving only fourth at 8%. President-elect, took office Feb. 12, 2010, and his team, and now depends completion policy Legal chance offered by Russia [vi].
Lawrence Vinatier. You have just been appointed Prime Minister of the Republic of Abkhazia. This is a promotion. How do you see your new responsibilities?
Sergei Shamba. My duties now are no longer limited in effect to foreign affairs. But you know, I have long committed to the Abkhaz political life as a whole. Foreign policy is certainly a key element, including independence, but I am aware of the daily needs of my fellow citizens, social and economic. I remember I was a candidate for the presidency in 2004. This time, I considered that Sergei Bagapsh best embodied the construction of our republic, I joined and am happy to dedicate myself to the full development of the state. So, yes, I see this as a promotion nommination in the sense that, expanding my range of action, I find myself faced with new responsibilities and new challenges. I will be judged and not only on my achievements in foreign policy but also on solutions now that I bring home.
L. Vinatier. For many in Europe, you know, one of the only questions that matter is as follows: Abkhazia is she really? Are you not a new subject of the great federation of the North? You owe everything to Moscow.
S. Shamba. Abkhazia does not intend to stay focused not only to Russia. We want to build a multidirectional foreign policy. It is a strategic priority that we are looking into three phases, short, medium and long term. In the short term, it is mainly to be closer to Belarus. In the medium term, it will build a special partnership with Turkey, some states in the Middle East and Latin America, that is to say, except the neighbor Turkey, most countries independent of the NATO. Finally, in the long term, of course, is to the EU it will be necessary to turn.
L. Vinatier. It seems to us, seen from Europe, you left a yoke for another, Georgia for Russia. In foreign policy, for example, sovereign significant element of sovereignty and your specialty, you have no other choice than to go through Russia.
S. Shamba. Currently, relations between Abkhazia and the European countries, are very difficult. Those unwilling to recognize reality, they do not look objectively at the situation in the Caucasus and Abkhazia in particular. They practice a political double standard, holding strong positions and absurd as the statement "never recognize the independence of Abkhazia". However, for Kosovo, that posed no problem! The territorial integrity of Serbia has not been an obstacle. Why this principle should prevail in Georgia, to our disadvantage?
L. Vinatier. Unfortunately this argument is the precedent Kosovo rejected by most European states. Situations, they say, are very different.
S. Shamba. Europeans must understand that the territorial integrity of Georgia is an illusion for 15 years now. In fact they defend a very backward design Georgia, Stalin's design, which took shape in 1931 when the ruler of the Soviet Union decided to make Georgia, what Andrei Sakharov has called a "little empire "fashioned on the model of the USSR. The Abkhazians at that time had already reacted violently before being crushed. Europe wants and promotes the merits of Stalin Georgia. They do not understand us! This is a historic mistake. It is wrong to believe that Abkhazia is not its own interests and it is anyway handled by Russia.
L. Vinatier. Just look at the history, how to locate Abkhazia? Symbolically, if we must go back to the ninth century, Abkhazia is already part of the first Georgian kingdom. However, more recently, in the 19th century, you resist the Tsar unlike Georgians.
S. Shamba. Abkhazia has always defended its autonomy and specificity against multiple attempts, mainly Georgian is true, of domination and assimilation. It enters into resistance from 1864 when the Abkhaz lose their sovereignty and are incorporated by force, the Tsarist empire. In the early 20th century, the Communists took over in Georgia. For the Georgian Mensheviks succeeded by the Bolsheviks who implement an effective policy of assimilation. They prohibit the teaching Abkhaz, they organize trips to Georgian population in Abkhazia, they are rewriting history and close cultural centers.
L. Vinatier. In the 20th century in fact, a Georgian Stalin, Soviet imposes uniformity and you joined in 1931 as an autonomous republic, the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic. Then came the end of the Soviet Union, war broke out ...
S. Shamba. The political choices of successive Georgian presidents, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Eduard Shevardnadze and Mikhail Saakashvili, have largely contributed to the deterioration of our relations and contributed to the final separation. In all cases, it is very simple: there is military intervention or attempted armed robbery. Not the Georgians accept our proposals for peacefully resolving the conflict. In 1992 First, we are ready to participate in a federation of Georgia, but Georgia has recovered many weapons after the Soviet collapse, decides to use force. In 1997, we put forward the idea of a confederation. The proposal was discussed in Moscow, supported by Prime Minister Primakov, but once again the Georgians refused. In May 2008, at the initiative of the new Russian president, Dmitry Medvedev, an agreement committing the parties not to resume hostilities are about to be signed in Moscow, but President Saakashvili cancels at the last moment. In addition, there are many hawkish statements throughout the 2000s is well illustrated by this formula Mikhail Saakashvili in 2004: "we will do the Kodori Gorge, a place of arms."
L. Vinatier. Finally, everything is played in the 20th century.
S. Shamba. In a way yes. Georgia has consistently refused to compromise. The only option it has considered is that of force. As such, it is now impossible for Georgians and Abkhazians to live together. Historically, Georgia has no right to claim to Abkhazia. By its actions and policies in the 20th century, it has also lost all legitimacy to keep its members the territory of Abkhazia. So in August 2008, Russia had no choice but to guarantee the security of Abkhazia and recognize its independence.
L. Vinatier. Let. Your country is independent and after? Must still make it viable. What are your short term?
S. Shamba. Recognition of independence is not our only objective. That would be the ultimate consecration after a long process of reconciliation with our few major partners (Russia excepted of course). The priorities now are divided into two movements: first ensure the safety of the population, on the other hand allow the country's economic development. Of course, it starts with a strong partnership with Russia. On the security front, the agreements already signed. In economic and social terms, and, investment from Russia are increasing rapidly. Among them, some influential people in Moscow at the moment Yuri Luzhkov, the mayor of the city or Zatouline Konstantin, who for 90 years dealing with relations with former Soviet satellites, do not hesitate to raise sums.
L. Vinatier. But finally you find prisoners of Russian resources. The latest agreement signed in Moscow in February, establishing a unified military base was it really necessary?
S. Shamba. You have not experienced war and the threat at any time of renewed hostilities. It is essential for our people to ensure safety on the longest term possible. So yes, the agreement signed with Russia is necessary and good. The establishment of a military base does not mean the occupation of the country. How many bases the Americans have in the world? These countries are they considered as occupied countries? South Korea? Germany until 2005? Qatar? All these states are still able to exercise their sovereignty. Do not exaggerate the consequences of a military base. For us it is a safety feature, which allows us to give priority to economic development of the republic.
L. Vinatier. In fact the prospect of the Olympic Games in Sochi. Where are the negotiations with Russia regarding your participation in major construction?
S. Shamba. In this case, nothing is final yet. We are continuing negotiations with the Russians on our contribution. For now, Russia appears willing to grant us a credit of 2 billion dollars for the rehabilitation of channels of communication, roads and railways. Moreover, it is likely that the Sukhumi airport is renovated and modernized in order to enhance the potential air Sochi. But again, Abkhazia does not want to rely solely on Russia. We must reach a certain state of equilibrium, political and economic. This is precisely what we are currently building. We need to choose our business partners.
L. Vinatier. So you have short-term goals.
S. Shamba. One of our strategic objectives in the short term is to open channels of direct communication by sea and by air with Turkey. Currently, 60% of our trade is with Russia, Turkey with 30% and 10% with Romania and Bulgaria. For now, this trade goes through Russia and Sochi in particular. Only part, quite illegally (under the embargo imposed by the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1996 [vii]), is set directly by the sea boats departing from Trabzon Turkey continued to arrive in Abkhazia when they are not stopped by the Georgians, the crews are not imprisoned and subjected to heavy fines. Russia is not against the diversification of our business partners, but they are not always free of their choice. Turkey for example, must take account of U.S. policy in the Caucasus and Georgia on its border. Therefore for the moment, with the exception of course illegal, informal or in fact, Turkey is still showing reluctance to open direct lines by sea and air to Abkhazia.
L. Vinatier. It is clear that you need Turkey. But what are the advantages for her to open a direct air and sea with Abkhazia? What are your selling points?
S. Shamba. I specifically discussed this issue with Nurdan Bayraktar Golder Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, in April. It seems that Turkey wants to get closer to Georgia. She has in mind, I think, a mediator between Tbilisi and us. If this is to move away from Russia, this is not a good calculation. Russia is our partner of choice but obviously we want as I have said, to develop special partnerships with other full sovereignty. Therefore, Turkey has every interest in supporting our independence, nor Georgia or Russia, but Abkhazia independent. Thus it would fulfill its objectives in the South Caucasus. We do not even ask for the immediate formal recognition but a concrete commitment with us. This would clearly reinforce the role and influence of Turkey in the region.
L. Vinatier. But apart from Turkey, which is your only other way out, you do not try to see a little further?
S. Shamba. We also look at the Iranian side, completely independent in the case of Americans. Iran is a major player in the Caucasus. After the Middle East is the strategic space that it intends to invest. In early 2009, and an Iranian delegation was welcomed at Sukhumi.
L. Vinatier. You have definitely lost all hope in the West ...
S. Shamba. But it is Europe that does not answer our calls. The Europeans refuse visas to Abkhazia, against all logic and to the detriment of our youth who want to receive an international education. Regarding the U.S. until last year, he was not even possible to even think about any action. We put some hope in Obama, who seems to want to change their approach on Georgia, but that does not mean he is more interested in us. The immediate needs of Abkhazia building pragmatic relations with some countries of good will, only then comes the question of recognition.
L. Vinatier. A priori, it seems that you have an asset: your diaspora, large in Turkey and Jordan and generally well integrated into the host country. It is old in Turkey and the Middle East and organized.
S. Shamba. We have confidence in the dynamism of our diaspora in Turkey and Jordan, but also in the United States and of course in Europe. The Abkhaz foreign strongly support independence. In Turkey for example, the diaspora has welcomed the recognition by many events and warm. The solidarity committee, created during the first war in 1993 and based in Istanbul, and still continues to operate the main relay Abkhaz interests in Turkey, our only partner.
L. Vinatier. But today as the Abkhazian issue can become the strategic partnership between Turkey and Russia, the diaspora can it really play this role of relay your interests?
S.. Shamba. Certainly. Through him we meet with Turkish government officials and even Russian. For example, it has been possible for our representatives on mission abroad to meet in early 2009 in Istanbul Sergei Lavrov, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia. The Abkhaz diaspora in particular, among other Caucasian diaspora in Turkey, has a significant influence. Similarly in Jordan, representatives of the diaspora Caucasian Adyghe occupy positions of influence. So shortly after a visit to Abkhazia, the leader of the Caucasian diaspora in Jordan has undertaken the creation of a fund in Amman economic and cultural cooperation with Abkhazia.
L. Vinatier. On land, the diaspora is part of your company state-building ...
S. Shamba. Yes. We need more than ever our diaspora. During difficult times, when the economic effects were felt hardest, the diaspora have always been present and attentive to the plight of the people here. We are now trying to formalize our relationships with the diaspora. Several structures in parliament and government, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in particular, organize visits to Abkhazia and representatives of our diaspora. We are also developing a better strategy for communication and information (press conferences, advertising, cultural and scientific events) by relying on relays diaspora. In Moscow, the relays are already very effective, and Europe, however, still little interest. This is one of our main targets.
L. Vinatier. And the return of the diaspora? Is it a possibility that you are considering and want?
S. Shamba. Today, it is not inconceivable that some of the diaspora to return. To this purpose, we have created the Committee for the repatriation of the diaspora. It is funded by a levy of 3% on general taxation and should help organize the return of diaspora members to help them find housing, work and provide for themselves or for their children educated suitable. That Anzor Mukba who directs.
L. Vinatier. To my knowledge, it seems that all the Abkhaz politicians do not support this opening to the outside. It is difficult to understand. Are there any conflict in Abkhazia?
S. Shamba. Abkhazia is probably one of the most democratic states of the Caucasus. The press is free, the parties are independent. The presidential election in 2004 gave an important example. That of December 2009 was no exception to the rule.
The Abkhaz society is highly politicized. It is true that there is a tendency among its members rather nationalist who feared that opening the country too, including Russians, Abkhazians lose their identity. Given the recurring threats of assimilation and the current population problem, this posture is gaining in popularity.
L. Vinatier. Today, nothing really connects you to your companions in misfortune unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh and South Ossetia. What is your relationship now?
S. Shamba. Abkhazia signed a friendship agreement with South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Today, our goals differ. The Nagorno-Karabakh has been disconnected for some time of this agreement, hoping to build on some progress in the framework of the Minsk Group. South Ossetia wants to integration within the Russian Federation. For us, it is clear, I think, that we want above all to build our independence.
L. Vinatier. Finally last question about your future. The prime minister can be a springboard to go higher, especially as Sergei Bagapsh can not imagine. Do you think so?
S. Shamba. No, absolutely not. It is too early to think about. As I said, I am judged on my first results! Then we'll see.
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[I] According to the census of 2003 not recognized, there would be 94,000 Abkhazians (45%), 46000 Georgians (21%), 45,000 Armenians (20%), 23,000 Russians (11%), 1500 Greeks (1%). http://www.ethno-kavkaz.narod.ru/rnabkhazia.html
[Ii] Alliance signed between the two main rivals for the 2004 elections to end the political deadlock caused by the defeat unscheduled Khadzhimba, backed by the Kremlin.
[Iii] He was replaced in office by Maxim Gvinjia, former Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, perfect English and very at ease in international meetings.
[Iv] In March 2008, it will eventually lift the blockade, which in fact was no longer active.
[V] A businessman, representative of Abkhazia in Moscow in the early 90s, Prime Minister of Abkhazia in 1997 and executive director of the national energy company between 2000 and 2004.
[Vi] In addition to Russia, Abkhazia's independence has also been recognized by Nicaragua in September 2008, Venezuela in September 2009 and Nauru in December 2009, but later these recognitions have little strategic importance.
[Vii] It is largely eased by Russia, the arrival of Vladimir Putin in 2000. It is officially lifted March 6, 2008. The Kremlin had long prepared the decree. In fact, trade had resumed without significant impediment for many years.
